Jan 27, 2011

Does Zizek want what Zizek wants?

Zizek's latest Guardian piece is probably the clearest answer I could ever likely get from him to my question about what he wants. And published only 10 days after I asked.

It's the most explicit pronouncement of a political project -- something practical, something concrete, something with solutions -- I've seen him make.

It raises two questions, though. First, does his answer make sense? Second, could it actually solve the things he wants it to?

Unfortunately: no.


Zizek says (this is his answer): "The only way to break out of this deadlock is to propose and fight for a positive universal project shared by all participants."

Then he gives an example: "Some months ago, a small miracle happened in the occupied West Bank: Palestinian women who were demonstrating against the wall were joined by a group of Jewish lesbian women from Israel. The initial mutual mistrust was dispelled in the first confrontation with the Israeli soldiers guarding the wall, and a sublime solidarity developed, with a traditionally dressed Palestinian woman embracing a Jewish lesbian with spiked purple hair – a living symbol of what our struggle should be."

The abstract answer kind of does make sense, at first. "A positive universal project" is a little vague, though. It could apply to the kind of revolutionary struggle Zizek talks about in In Defense of Lost Causes, for example. It probably could also apply, though, to all the human rights ideas that undergird and give energy to the liberals humanists and multiculturalists that Zizek was originally opposing. The problem with multiculturalism, if you think there's a problem, can't be that it's not universal enough, or not positive enough. The problem is that that universal, when translated into any practical program, becomes horribly conflicted. It doesn't start with the identity politics that gets so problematic: it ends there. The universal program is always committing multiculturalists to situations where they must apparently take opposing positions.

I suppiose I find the vague answer difficult, too, in that it is exactly the kind of answer Zizek has so often attacked. This is the man, remember, who says, "I was always disgusted with this notion of 'I love the world, universal love.' I don't like world ... I'm somewhere between 'I hate the world' or I'm indifferent towards it." It's probably a lost cause to try to force all of Zizek's utterances into any kind of consistent program or regular harmony, but I have found his earlier iconclasm helpful, where this iconclam now, I don't know what it means.

The example Zizek gives is more problematic. For one thing, it's not clear to me what universal project the Jewish lesbian with spiked purple hair and the traditionally dressed Palestinian woman share. They both hate what the Israeli government has done to them. They both are willing to actively oppose the government. Isn't that a shared enemy, rather than a shared principle or program?

I don't speak for either group, obviously, and I don't know the details. Maybe the women are both committed pacifists. From what Zizek says in the article, I don't see an identifiable universal ideal they share other than opposition to the Israeli government.

Even if the answer does make sense, and even if one does understand the example maybe better than I do, the concrete solution still is a problem. For this answer to work, according to the standards Zizek himself set out, it should be applicable to the situation where local, small town Europeans were reacting to the Roma. According to Zizek, multiculturalism failed, because it could not tell the locals what to do about what, to them, felt like a problem. It could only condemn them as racists for preceiving a problem. What were they supposed to do? "[N]obody," Zizek said, "clearly answered the local 'racists' what they should concretely do to solve the very real problems the Roma camp evidently was for them."

Assumming that the powers that be were good Zizekians, what would happen if they went to the local racists and gave them Zizek's answer? The mayor or whoever could call a meeting with the racists and tell them, "fight for a positive universal project shared by all participants!"

What would they do? How could they make that advice practicable?

The only thing I can think of is maybe the Zizekian mayor could find the racists and the Roma a good common enemy.

6 comments:

  1. Here Zizek's answer is muddled for a reason. How can a, "fight for a positive universal project shared by all participants!", be anything other than a delicate restating of revolutionary struggle against capitalism?

    The examples of overcoming religious, ethnic, and psycho-sexual false consciousness to emerge into a true class consciousness solidarity point again back to the problem.

    Zizek has to be stuck, and this is why he insists on returning to theory. He can , as a prophet, declare the need for a 'shared project' but he's not naive enough to claim to know exactly what that project could be. (I think this is essential to understanding his interest In Lenin and Stalin, both self consciously knew they were trying to force something that, strictly speaking, even in their own analysis was impossible).

    Zizek, for whatever reason, refuses to make that leap. He refuses, I think, because he's theoretically committed to the understanding that if he did he would almost surely be wrong.

    History is not ready for an answer.

    There's the insistence though, on providing these pho-answers, these nebulous 'shared projects', which I think is purely strategic. Zizek despises the neo-liberal left, and he's interested in alternative left movements (As the grounds of historical development of a solution yet to emerge). This is why he shows up on Democracy Now. And this is why he plays this shell game around the question of what shall be done. If he's totally transparent in his political calculation, that, on an individual psychological level, is disheartening. Why participate in a movement grounding in an eschatological hope? But the movement is needed for the process.

    A certain amount of bullshit becomes absolutely necessary.

    ReplyDelete
  2. There's a motto for you!

    I think you're right. In my head, the contrast here is to Derrida, who I think can manage to offer short term, immediate solutions, while still "holding out" for the apocalyptic, salvific coming.

    I understand Zizek knowing that to leap is to be wrong, and sympathize, but he also seems to think that the leap *has* to be made and to knock everyone else for not leaping. Derrida, by contrast I think, thinks what's important is not the revolutionary coming (not his term, obviously), but the attitude we take now towards that coming.

    ReplyDelete
  3. Also, I really like the idea of a Zizekian mayor. I'm not going to lie, that was maybe the real justification for this post.

    ReplyDelete
  4. Anonymous2:01 PM

    I read the article yesterday and I had the exact same problem with it as you describe here.
    I think that one of the reasons why his Guardian article of is so unsatisfactory is because he's "talking Marxism" instead of Lacanianism. In my opinion he lacks sharpness at those moments. That's maybe because indeed his philosophy is to pose the right question and not to give the answer.

    Sincerely,

    Tom

    P.S. Wouldn't it be best to say Zizekist when talking about politics and Zizekian when talking about academics just as is done with Marx?

    ReplyDelete
  5. I use "Zizekian" as the all-purpose adjectival form, myself, and would probably use "Zizekite" for particularly avid followers of the Slovenian, if I knew any.

    ReplyDelete
  6. Hi Daniel,

    Have you read this? I think it is his best straight forward political statement. I disagree with him, but here it is: http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n22/slavoj-zizek/resistance-is-surrender

    ReplyDelete